In a thoughtful article about Presidential Libraries in Slate last week, Tim Naftali, a former federal official with the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), described the school children who come to visit the museum side of the libraries.
“Depending on the location, these libraries receive between 60,000 and 400,000 visitors a year. And students and teachers around the country use these libraries’ online resources in the classroom. You cannot look at the faces of the kids and their teachers that come to your museum without feeling pangs of regret if what they see is not as accurate and informative as it could be. At the Nixon Library, 12,000 school kids on formal school tours visited each year. Before the National Archives took over in 2007, nearly 200,000 students had been taught that the Democrats used Watergate to overturn the electoral result of 1972 and that Richard Nixon did nothing that presidents before him had not done; the only difference was that he got caught.”
I thought about a president’s supporters Saturday morning as I watched Starlee Kine discuss a feature she had done for “This American Life” on interactive exhibits at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. What she exposed there was eye opening to me when I listened to her piece in 2011. As she spoke on Saturday, I looked not at her face, but at the face of the man sitting next to her in the MSNBC studio, New York lawyer Ed Cox, Richard Nixon’s son-in-law. Presumably he, as I had in 1980, voted for Reagan when he ran for President.
Cox had a golden opportunity to expand the debate on privately funded exhibits at federal archives and museums beyond the grievance based arguments used by Nix0n’s side in the near past. Would he use the opportunity to say, as I have, that it did not serve Reagan or civic literacy well to support the type of educational outreach Kine described? To have an exhibit in a federal presidential library and museum make little children’s faces turn “ashen” as they were told they were wrong? Instead of making it clear there were options and Reagan and his team chose different ones than they did in role playing? And that putting up an exhibit that made children’s faces drop, and subjected them to intimidation, showed deep insecurity about Reagan and his legacy?
Cox did not. But it is only fair to point out that he is not just a private citizen, but also chairman of the New York Republican Party. Some Republicans treat Reagan as if he is a mythic figure, others say it is time to “tear down this icon.” That’s for the party members to sort out. I’m a political Independent. I have the freedom and whatever to say “I voted for Reagan, whose signature cause was anti-Communism. Having a privately funded and controlled exhibit in a government administered presidential library that houses his records such as the one Kine described does not serve civic literacy well. Don’t do that to children. This is America! We’re not ‘Back in the USSR.'”
Had I been present in the studio, I would have identified myself as a Reagan voter who turned Independent. And as such, believe his legacy should be examined like that of any other president, not as something fragile and closed off from scrutiny, but robust and open to multiple perspectives. I was supposed to be there, sitting next to Tim Naftali, one of four guests on “Up with Steve Kornacki” on Saturday. But I couldn’t work out the logistics in time to accept the invitation. Tim and I represent two generations of National Archives officials (he of more senior rank than I) to work with the Nixon White House tapes and files.
Ed Cox argued on MSNBC on Saturday that exhibits at the museums in presidential libraries traditionally reflect the president’s perspective. To suggest that it has been and must remain so is a deeply conservative position. Moreover, that this has been so is not transparent. Not every visitor who comes to the museums knows who paid for the content and what and who influenced it. Nor do they all know that the National Archives, which is supposed to be objective and fact based in the way it handles its mission, administers the libraries. To me, that matters a great deal. But I can only speak for myself there. My training is as a historian.
One problem in the past handling of exhibits has been what I’ve called here at my blog the father’s name on the birth certificate. While a president’s published memoirs (whatever writing assistance he may have had) clearly are labelled and carry his name, exhibits at the presidential libraries traditionally have been presented as if curated by objective professionals. That’s akin to publishing a history book under Michael Beschloss’s name but having Lyndon B. Johnson and his assistants write it.
As a former federal employee, Tim approaches issues related to the archives and museum sides of the presidential libraries differently than do most academics. I’d like to see more of that. I often am frustrated when I see people–often clearly well-meaning–look at the federal entities that house a president’s records and temporary and permanent exhibits about his administration. Rarely do they examine in-depth why things are the way they are. Members of the public are in the mix, but in ways I’ve never seen anyone address.
For example, Anthony Clark, a researcher who until recently worked as a staffer on Capitol Hill, said in an interview on Federal News Radio last week that due to all the issues that surround exhibits paid for by private foundations, NARA should be in the archives business only. And that museum activities should be left to private entities. My interpretation is that he means going forward and that his proposal should not apply to the presently existing libraries and museums. To argue otherwise that NARA should focus only on the archival side would remove any leverage the National Archives, a non-partisan federal agency, presently has over the exhibits at the existing libraries. Clark shares more of his views in an article he published last week in Salon, “Presidential Libraries are Huge Failures.”
Clark correctly points to a drop off in visits to the museums associated with presidential libraries over time. NARA officials publicly have discussed the fact that the foundations for the oldest presidential libraries take in less money from donors than the newer ones. The number of visitors to the presidential libraries and museums can be quantified but why people visit is harder to sort out.
Clark counts visitors, points to more spending and greater emphasis on exhibits and looks back at the days of Franklin D. Roosevelt. He looks at the establishment of the first (donor-restricted) presidential libraries and writes
“But in the years since, these archival institutions have evolved to become enormous commemorative memorials. While the president’s papers are still housed in them, the archives have become afterthoughts to state-of-the-art museum exhibits, in-depth educational curricula, often-controversial public programs, and in some cases, overtly political events.”
But much has changed since 1940, including the rise of a 24/7 news cycle, cable tv and talk radio and electronic platforms to share a wide range of views and opinion, some solidly sourced and rational, some not so, even visceral and emotivist. The complicated people angle needs to be considered in looking at the tangle of issues surrounding presidential libraries and museums.
The late Robert Remini, an esteemed scholar who once served as historian of the U.S. House of Representatives Republican, chronicled the rise of partisanship in Washington in his 2005 work about that body. Columnist David Brooks observed in a column (“The Modesty Manifesto”) in The New York Times in March 2011
“If Americans do, indeed, have a different and larger conception of the self than they did a few decades ago, I wonder if this is connected to some of the social and political problems we have observed over the past few years.
I wonder if the rise of consumption and debt is in part influenced by people’s desire to adorn their lives with the things they feel befit their station. I wonder if the rise in partisanship is influenced in part by a narcissistic sense that, ‘I know how the country should be run and anybody who disagrees with me is just in the way.’”
As in many things human beings do, the extent to which people are introspective and reflective varies. This includes both ordinary citizens and VIPs. Political, ideological, and partisan loyalties and values are especially difficult to sort out. Judging just by conversations with people I know, for many, how they vote is an integral part of how they see themselves as people. The extent to which individuals are willing to accept that perspectives on a president they supported at the ballot box are going to and should vary depends on the person. The security of a president’s supporters, whether they voted for him or worked closely with him, is not easily aired out in public debates about exhibits and public programming at the presidential libraries.
Perhaps some museum visitors have visceral reactions such as “counter this!” to articles such as James Moore’s about the George W. Bush Presidential Library. (I saw the link via a posting on the Archives & Archivists Listserv, presumably due to an autoforward, not for anything it added to the debate. Moore’s screed is not about archives, records, exhibits, or history.) Are the members of a president’s foundation and family able to show the necessary detachment to say “let’s not counter propaganda with propaganda, let’s try to educate and raise the level of debate, instead?”
As in so many things, it depends. I’ve noted at my blog from my time working for the old NARA Office of Presidential Libraries that the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library (and its Museum in a separate city in Michigan) had a good reputation. Former President Ford believed that “presidential papers, except for the most highly sensitive documents involving our national security, should be made available to the public . . . and the sooner the better.” By all accounts, the release of his records went smoothly.
Tim Naftali observes in his article in Slate that
“The National Archives is nonpartisan; it is supposed to act in the spirit of open government and transparency and be a leader in the custodianship of history. Presidential families (though there are notable exceptions like the Truman, Johnson, Ford, and Carter families, and Caroline Kennedy Schlossberg) often oppose nonpartisan programming and have often placed obstacles in the way of releasing materials.”
As Tim Naftali points out in discussing the Joint Operating Agreements at the libraries and museums, NARA in some cases has veto power over the content of the exhibits. That is a very important point. It is not the job of a non-partisan federal agency to make visitors feel good about the political views they hold. Or to make little children feel uncomfortable and bad about exercising their freedom equally to agree or disagree with what a U.S. president did!
If NARA had the funding to foot the bill for all the presidential libraries’ exhibits, you wouldn’t see some of the questionable choices visible at some of them in the last few decades. Some of them stem from competing objectives, even from culture clashes, as I’ve demonstrated at my blog. Benjamin Hufbauer has examined how some of the libraries and museums operate and evolve in Presidential Temples: How Memorials and Libraries Shape Public Memory.
But to understand why the libraries and museums sometimes struggle, it’s not enough to say, as Anthony Clark wrote vaguely, “we should tell,” and “we should leave.” Because members of the public and the people assessing goals and needs within the private sector foundations and presidential families and the three branches of government are far from monolithic. Some value nutritious, well-balanced food, some junk food, and some mostly baloney. Getting them to assess honestly, then publicly explain their choices, whether “healthy” or “comfort food,” is difficult.
Even considering the need to have the necessary conversations about these issues is not easy. Not in Washington! I realized that in April 2009, when I joined members of the public in submitting comments to NARA on alternatives to the present system of presidential libraries while Adrienne Thomas was Acting AOTUS. I argued then that
“Assessment of alternative approaches to the present system of donor-restricted and statutorily controlled Presidential Libraries first requires examination of their operations, their cultures, and how stakeholders (including the creators of records) view the Libraries and the records and exhibits associated with them. Some issues that appear unrelated to each other actually may be intertwined. Since there has been no such examination since the passage of the Presidential Records Act, I recommend that this be done before the formulation or consideration of alternatives to the present system of Libraries. Whether it is done through a commission (such as the post-Watergate public documents commission) or some other mechanism, the goal should be conducting as realistic an examination as possible. This requires creation of a genuinely safe zone for discussion, the goal being maximum candor and reflection by all the stakeholders.”
I also pointed to the fact that it was challenging to make the pivot from being president and having press secretaries put out your story to becoming the subject of historical scrutiny. None of the points I raised in my Thomas-era submission made it in to NARA’s final report to the Congress. Yet, as I noted at my blog in the spring of 2011, Sharon Fawcett, then Assistant Archivist for Presidential Libraries, asked me in February 2010 if she could quote similar comments I made elsewhere on the matter. That suggests there were complications surrounding the mandated 2009 request for public feedback .
If Ed Cox missed an opportunity to start a meanginful conversation about the libraries and museums, so did James Moore with his polemic about a “Cheney Presidential Library” in The Huffington Post. By contrast, what Tim Naftali wrote in Slate resonated for me, as the daughter of displaced persons who fled Communism to come to the United States after World War II. Tim focused on civic literacy and obligations. Most importantly, he brought an insider’s perspective to bear on complicated issues.
I say that not only as an admirer and friend of Tim Naftali but also as someone who came out of the “Nixon wars” not seeking revenge or retribution but asking why and how do these things happen? And isn’t there a better way? I so regretted seeing Tim have to go through some of the same things my generation of archivists did and wish he had been spared some of that. I fought very hard on his behalf here at my blog!
Whether it is because of my wiring or because of what I experienced as a member of the first generation of NARA archivists to identify “abuse of governmental power” information in Nixon records, I believe in dialogue and conversation. My outreach in submitting comments at The New Nixon blog seemingly failed, except in my gaining a blogging friend in former Nixon chief of staff John H. Taylor. I appreciate the fact that Father John permitted me to share how he reacted when I, of all people, first showed up the Nixon site in 2008!
Much has changed since John launched a Nixon Foundation blog, then left his position as foundation executive director in January 2009 to become a full-time Episcopal priest. Change is not always progressive and linear. If you go to the blog at the Nixon Foundation’s site now, you no longer have the ability to submit comments. Moreoever, the record of some of the comments has disappeared. In an ironic echo of the controversy over a Watergate tape with 18-1/2 minutes missing, in its present format The New Nixon blog shows that 33 comments were submitted under the post Anne Walker put up in April 2011 about NARA’s Watergate exhibit. But while they once were readable, clicking on them (they actually included pingbacks to my blog posts) now takes you nowhere! A dead end? That is not a good place to be.









