Monthly Archives: February 2020

The Mishkan That Yaakov Built

This week’s alumni Dvar Torah is by Pnina Grossman

Parashat Terumah opens with a list of architectural dyes.  Midrash Tanchuma 5 seeks to provide a symbolic resonance for each color (although for some reason it skips argaman):

“תְּכֵלֶת”

שֶׁצּוֹבְעִין אוֹתוֹ בְּדָם,

זֵכֶר לְאוֹת שֶׁכְּבָר הִתְקִינוּ אֲבוֹת הָעוֹלָם;

תּוֹלַעַת” –

שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר:

אַל תִּירְאִי תּוֹלַעַת יַעֲקֹב (ישעיה מא, יד).

וְעֹרֹת אֵילִם” –

בִּזְכוּת יַעֲקֹב,

שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר:

וְאֵת עֹרֹת גְּדָיֵי הָעִזִּים (בראשית כז:טז).

אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא:

הַשָּׁמַיִם וּשְׁמֵי הַשָּׁמַיִם לֹא יְכַלְכְּלוּ אוֹתִי,

וְאַשְׁרֶה שְׁכִינָתִי בְּתוֹךְ עֹרֹת גְּדָיֵי עִזִּים.

Tekhelet (blue) ” –

which they dye with blood (from the chilazon),

to symbolize the sign (circumcision) that the patriarchs had already prepared.

Tola’at (scarlet)” –

as it says:

Fear not, thou worm (tola’at) Yaakov (Isa. 41:14).

The rams’ skins” –

in the merit of Yaakov,

as it is said:

And she put the skins of the kids of the goats upon his hands (Gen. 27:16).

The Holy One, blessed be He, declared:

The heavens and the heavens of the heavens cannot contain Me,

yet I will cause My Shekhinah to dwell within the skins of the goats’ kids.

This midrash is puzzling. Why is Yaakov the only Patriarch specifically mentioned?  Especially puzzling here is that the ram, a classic symbol of Akeidat Yitzchak, is used here instead to refer to the goatskins that Rivka put on Yaakov.  

 Shemot Rabbah 34 also connects the mishkan to Yaakov exclusively among the Patriarchs:

 

אָמַר רַבִּי טַבְיוֹמֵי:

בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהִגִּיעַ זְמַנּוֹ שֶׁל יַעֲקֹב אָבִינוּ לִפָּטֵר מִן הָעוֹלָם,

קָרָא לְבָנָיו, אָמַר לָהֶם:

“הֱיוּ יוֹדְעִין שֶׁהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא עָתִיד לוֹמַר לִבְנֵיכֶם לַעֲשׂוֹת מִשְׁכָּן,

אֶלָּא יִהְיוּ כָּל צְרָכָיו מוּכָנִים בְּיֶדְכֶם…”

וְיֵשׁ מֵהֶם שֶׁהִתְקִינוּ עַצְמָן לַדְּבָרִים, וְיֵשׁ מֵהֶן שֶׁשָּׁכְחוּ.

וּכְשֶׁבָּא משֶׁה וְעָשׂוּ הַמִּשְׁכָּן –

יֵשׁ מֵהֶם שֶׁהֵבִיאוּ מֵעַצְמָן, וְיֵשׁ מֵהֶם שֶׁלֹא הֵבִיאוּ אֶלָּא מִמַּה שֶׁהָיָה מֻנָּח בְּיָדוֹ,

שֶׁכֵּן הוּא אוֹמֵר (שמות לה:כג): וְכָל אִישׁ אֲשֶׁר נִמְצָא אִתּוֹ תְּכֵלֶת וְאַרְגָּמָן,

וְאוֹמֵר (שמות לה:כד): וְכָל אֲשֶׁר נִמְצָא אִתּוֹ עֲצֵי שִׁטִּים.

Said R Tavyomi:

When the time came for our forefather Yaakov to retire from the world,

he called to his sons. He said to them:

Know that G-d will tell your children in the future to build a sanctuary,

and all of its needs should be prepared in your hands” …

Some of them prepared themselves for things,

but some forgot.

When Moshe came and they made the sanctuary,

some brought what they had prepared, and some only brought what was found in their hands,

as it says “every man that was found by him blue and scarlet”

and it says “every one that was found by him acacia trees”

Yaakov is credited here with arranging the availability of the supplies that G-d eventually tells Moshe are needed.  His foresight enables the building of the Mishkan. Yet why didn’t Avraham and Yitzchak charge their children the same way?  Why would the Midrash make this bridge exclusively from Yaakov to the Mishkan?

I suggest that Yaakov, uniquely among the Patriarchs, becomes a symbol of the nation as a whole. This means that promises apparently made to him personally can be fulfilled nationally. For example, Yaakov is the patriarch who brought the Israelites down to Egypt in the first place, and on that occasion, G-d promises him:

 בראשית מ״ו:ד

אָנֹכִ֗י אֵרֵ֤ד עִמְּךָ֙ מִצְרַ֔יְמָה

וְאָנֹכִ֖י אַֽעַלְךָ֣ גַם־עָלֹ֑ה

וְיוֹסֵ֕ף יָשִׁ֥ית יָד֖וֹ עַל־עֵינֶֽיךָ׃

I Myself will go down with you to Egypt,

and I Myself will also bring you back up;

and Joseph’s hand shall close your eyes.”

While Yosef is in fact present at Yaakov’s death, Yaakov dies in Egypt and does not return to Canaan. What became of G-d’s promise? Rashi and Ibn Ezra argue that Yaakov’s burial in Canaan was a sufficient fulfillment. Shemot Rabbah solves the problem by construing the verse as a promise to the whole nation rather than to Yaakov personally:

שמות רבה ג:ג

וָאֵרֵד לְהַצִּילוֹ מִיַּד מִצְרַיִם וגו’

אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְמשֶׁה:

אֲנִי אָמַרְתִּי לְיַעֲקֹב אֲבִיהֶם:

אָנֹכִי אֵרֵד עִמְּךָ מִצְרַיְמָה

וְאָנֹכִי אַעַלְךָ וגו‘,

וְעַתָּה יָרַדְתִּי לְכָאן לְהַעֲלוֹת בָּנָיו

כְּמוֹ שֶׁאָמַרְתִּי לְיַעֲקֹב אֲבִיהֶן.

וּלְהֵיכָן אֲנִי מַעֲלָן?

אֶל הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר הוֹצֵאתִים מִשָּׁם,

אֶל הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּעְתִּי לַאֲבוֹתָם

I have come down to rescue him from the Egyptians

G-d said to Moshe,

I said to Jacob their father:

I Myself will go down with you to Egypt,

and I Myself will also bring you back up,

and now I have come down to here to bring his children up

as I promised Jacob their father, and to where will I bring them up.

To where am I bringing them up?

To the place that I took them out of,

to the land that I promised their forefathers

When Yaakov leaves Canaan in the course of fleeing from Esav, G-d promises him that He will accompany him:

בראשית כ״ח:טו

וְהִנֵּ֨ה

אָנֹכִ֜י עִמָּ֗ךְ

וּשְׁמַרְתִּ֙יךָ֙

בְּכֹ֣ל אֲשֶׁר־תֵּלֵ֔ךְ

וַהֲשִׁ֣בֹתִ֔יךָ

אֶל־הָאֲדָמָ֖ה הַזֹּ֑את

כִּ֚י לֹ֣א

אֶֽעֱזָבְךָ֔

עַ֚ד אֲשֶׁ֣ר אִם־עָשִׂ֔יתִי אֵ֥ת אֲשֶׁר־דִּבַּ֖רְתִּי לָֽךְ׃

Behold I am with you

I will protect you wherever you go

and I will bring you back to this land.

Because I will not leave you

until I have done what I have told you

G-d does return Yaakov to Israel that time.  But perhaps the promise is not truly fulfilled until Yaakov’s descendants return from Egypt. In that light, one can suggest that the midrashim focus on Yaakov because they see the mishkan as a fulfillment of this promise to the whole Jewish people.  The portable mishkan enables G-d to be with them wherever they go, until they return to the Land. 

שמות כה:ח

וְעָ֥שׂוּ לִ֖י מִקְדָּ֑שׁ

וְשָׁכַנְתִּ֖י בְּתוֹכָֽם׃

let them make Me a sanctuary

that I may dwell among them.

 

Pnina Grossman is a former Sharon native and a 2012 SBM almuna. She now lives in Israel and works as a Biomedical Engineer.

Leave a comment

Filed under Uncategorized

Social Justice, Egalitarianism, and Pluralism

by Rabbi Aryeh Klapper

What is Justice? Plato wrote many dialogues on the subject. Chazal may have engaged in similar analytic discussions, or not.  Rabbinic literature generally records internal discourse on philosophic themes as volleying verses back and forth. We have no way of knowing whether this reflects the way the discussions were conducted, or whether instead the verses are no-longer-decipherable mnemonics for rigorous analytic moves.

One such record centers on Shemot 26:30:

וַהֲקֵמֹתָ֖ אֶת־הַמִּשְׁכָּ֑ן

כְּמִ֨שְׁפָּט֔וֹ

אֲשֶׁ֥ר הָרְאֵ֖יתָ בָּהָֽר

You must erect the mishkan

in accordance with its mishpat

which you were shown on the mountain.

The Talmud Yerushalmi  (Shabbat 12:3 and Horayot 3:5) cites Rabbi Ammi as asking “What mishpat could there be for wood?” Since there obviously were many laws regarding the architectural details of the mishkan, relating to wood and carpets etc., Rabbi Ammi’s question must understand mishpat here as referring to “justice.” His answer reflects this:

אלא, אי זהו קרש זכה להינתן בצפון – ינתן בצפון; בדרום – ינתן בדרום.

Rather, whichever plank zakhah to be placed in the North (when the mishkan was first erected) – should (always) be placed in the North; in the South – should (always) be placed in the South.

This is a very unsatisfying response. From a textual perspective, the verse plainly describes how the initial erection of the mishkan must follow a prior blueprint, but Rabbi Ammi uses it to argue that all subsequent erections must follow the first. From a substantive perspective, why is this rule sensible if the category “justice” does not apply to planks?

The contextual explanation is that Rabbi Ammi is not interested in planks at all. Rather, he is responding homiletically to a question about human beings.

אילין דר’ הושעיה ודבר פזי הוון שאלין בשלמיה דנשיא בכל יום,

והוון אילין דרבי הושעיה עלין קדמאי ונפקין קדמאי.

אזלין אילין דבר פזי ואיתחתנות בנשיאותא.

אתון בעיין מיעול קדמאי.

The families of Rabbi Hoshayah and Bar Pazi would greet the nasi every day.

The family of Rabbi Hoshayah would enter first and exit first.

The family of Bar Pazi then went and married into the family of the nasi.

They then came and sought to enter first.

Rabbi Ammi uses his claim about “justice for planks” to prescribe a rule for human society. Families that have been zokheh to a relatively higher social status are not demoted when a family under them objectively rises.

The Yerushalmi contrasts Rabbi Ammi’s ruling with that of Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish in a similar case.

תרין זרעיין הוון בציפרין

בולווטיא ופגניא

הוון שאלין בשלמיה דנשייא בכל יום.

והוון בולווטיה עלין קדמיי ונפקין קדמיי,

אזלין פגניא וזכון באוריתא.

אתון בעי מיעול קדמיי.

אישתאלת לרשב”ל.

שאלה רשב”ל לר’ יוחנן

עאל ר’ יוחנן ודרשה בבי מדרשא דרבי בנייה

אפי’ ממזר ת”ח וכהן גדול עם הארץ ממזר ת”ח קודם לכ”ג עם הארץ.

סברין מימר: לפדות ולכסות ולהחיות – הא לישיבה לא

א”ר אבין

אף לישיבה.

מה טעמא?

יקרה היא מפנינים

אפי’ מזה שהוא נכנס לפני ולפנים.

There were two families in Tziparin

Balvetya and Paganya

that would greet the nasi every day.

Balvetya would enter first and exit first.

Paganya went and were zokheh in Torah

They then came and sought to enter first.

The question was asked to Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish.

Rabbi Shimin ben Lakish asked it to Rabbi Yochanan.

Rabbi Yochanan went into the beit midrash of Rabbi Benayah and taught this:

“Even a mamzer who is a scholar precedes even a High Priest who is an ignoramus.”

They thought this referred to ransoming, clothing, and sustaining, but not to seating arrangements.

Said Rabbi Avin:

It refers even to seating arrangements.

Why?

She (Torah) is more precious than peninim –

more precious even he who goes lifnei velifnim (before G-d and within the Holy of Holies)

Rabbi Yochanan and Rabbi Avin rule that the merit of Torah justifies social displacement.  It seems likely to me that the merit referred to was acquired via marriage, rather than via study. The specific people seeking to enter the nasi’s reception room first are no different than they were previously – they have only acquired new associations.

The anonymous habitues of the beit midrash knew the Mishnah that Rabbi Yochanan cited. They acknowledged that a scholar mamzer’s claim on public funds is prior to that of an ignoramus High Priest.  But they did not see how this extended to a prior claim on public honor.  Rabbi Yochanan and Rabbi Avin, by contrast, argue that it extends to public honor; that it applies not only to individuals but to the extended families to which they belong, or which they join; and that it does so even when that requires demoting others.

How can this be squared with Rabbi Ammi’s principle of justice for planks? The word zakhah can mean either “acquired a privilege” or “merited.” Perhaps Rabbi Ammi held that unearned privileges cannot be displaced by (association with) other unearned privileges, but can be displaced by (association with) earned privileges.

All of this begs the question – why is mishpat, or justice, associated with stasis rather than with mobility? Wouldn’t it be more just to ensure that the planks were rotated so that each of them spent the same amount of time on each side?  (This question is affected to some extent by the commentators’ dispute as to whether the sides of the mishkanwere equally or rather unequally holy.)

Michael Walzer argues in Spheres of Justice that it is vital for a society to recognize that there are many kinds of goods. In some societies, there is a dominant good, meaning a good that can be converted into every other kind of good.  For example, in some societies only those with disproportionate amounts of money can obtain comfortable furniture, public office, or adequate health care. Those of us who believe that health, comfort, and the approbation of one’s fellows are necessary for happiness might come to believe that those same people are disproportionately happy, and that the society is therefore unjust.

What if money isn’t necessary for happiness, though? What if having disproportionate wealth causes unhappiness (perhaps it forces one to display one’s wealth by sitting on stylish but uncomfortable chairs, makes one a constant target of abuse by presidential candidates, and subjects one to a constant regimen of invasive medical procedures)? Would a society be just if wealth inequality were naturally balanced with happiness inequality?

Walzer argues that people should have the right to make tradeoffs among individual goods, e.g to eschew lucrative professions for meaningful ones and vice versa. Forcing equality along any particular axis inevitably leads to totalitarianism, because “simple equality” is not congruent with the pluralism of goods inherent to human nature. People naturally value different goods differently. The key is to ensure that those with money or meaning are not thereby given disproportionate access to or control over other goods, i.e. to allow a genuine pluralism of goods.

Social honor is a good that every community distributes among its members.  As with many goods, it cannot be distributed equally, even by force. Some people inevitably attract more of it than others, whether or not they try to do so.  Some people value it a lot more than others do. Some people – perhaps this is pure yetzer hora – value it davka relatively.  For them, social honor is a zero-sum game, where their gains must be matched precisely by other’s losses. An enforcedly egalitarian society leaves them in practice with nothing, like those Epicureans who believe that the best way to maximize the pleasure-to-pain ratio is to eliminate both.

One moral argument for social inertia is that the pain of social demotion greatly outweighs the pleasure of social promotion.  Another is that it provides a check against whatever goods might otherwise dominate the society. If social honor is subject to a strong inertial force, then money is much less likely to be able to buy power, or happiness, at least in the short-term.  The key is to ensure that social honor itself does not become a dominant good, so that the social upper classes also gain the power to distribute wealth, health, and comfort. We might try to prevent this by setting up Torah scholarship as a countervailing good with power over the distribution of other goods.

What if Torah scholarship became the dominant good? Rabbi Avin and Rabbi Yochanan seem at peace with this possibility. I have a lot of sympathy with the anonymous critics in the beit midrash, however. They may have noticed an immediate slippage – the Mishnah refers only to scholars themselves, but Rabbi Yochanan and Rabbi Avin extend it to the associates of scholars, and this extension is probably inevitable. Money and Torah thus become exchangeable for one another, and this opens the path for money to become the dominant good. It now makes sense for rich families to buy Torah scholars as in-laws, and thus to acquire social honor. Those desirous of social honor will therefore be as likely to pursue wealth as to study Torah. In the long run, the wealthy will probably gain the power to determine who is considered a Torah scholar worthy of public honor.

Some of you may have read this far only because you were expecting a direct discussion of gender and denominationalism. If so, I apologize. But I also suggest that those discussions would often be improved by taking into account the justice advantages of preventing any single good from becoming culturally dominant.

I also note for the record that many halakhists have taken Rabbi Ammi literally, so that there is an extensive literature for example about whether the parts of a sukkah must be labelled to ensure that each element is identically placed the next year.

Leave a comment

Filed under Uncategorized

Zedekiah the Liberator: Jeremiah 34 and Mishpatim as Sources of Jewish Ethics

This week’s alumni Dvar Torah is by Zachary Ottenstein

The first five parshiyot of Sefer Shmot primarily chronicle the relationship between G-d and man.  The relationship is framed narratively, by way of G-d’s redemption of Israel, and concretized ritually in the form of Pesach, Rosh Chodesh, and the Sabbath. Parshat Mishpatim begins a new theme: G-d’s concern for how people interact among themselves. Why is this Parshah placed here?

The late 19th/early 20th century commentator R’ David Zvi Hoffman additionally asked a simple but deep question.[1] Just as G-d legislated the contours of His relationship to human beings, why shouldn’t human beings legislate the laws that govern relationships among themselves? This question is all the more relevant today, when most Jews live in democratic countries and theocracies are few and despised.

R. Hoffman answers that by placing interpersonal laws here, the Torah is trying to preempt the idea that mitzvot bein adam lamakom and mitzvot bein adam l’chaveiro are separable categories. Many of the mitzvot traditionally associated with bein adam l’chaveiro in fact have a strong element of G-dliness reinforcing them, and a godless society will be unethical.

G-d’s concern for interpersonal interactions was a Jewish innovation. As pointed out by scholars of the Ancient Near East and great Jewish thinkers such as R’ Umberto Cassutto and R’ Amnon Bazak,[2] the Code of Hammurabi and other Ancient Near Eastern legal codes legislate against similar offenses as the Torah does, but nonetheless a clear difference in outlook is apparent on close examination. For example, Exodus 22:25-26 commands us against holding a garment taken as collateral overnight “because it is his only garment and in what will he sleep? And he will cry out to me and I will hear him because I am merciful,“[3] whereas Law 117 of the Hammurabi Code [4] permits a man to sell himself, his wife or even his children as slaves should he be unable to pay his debt.  In another somewhat ironic example, Leviticus 20:12 prescribes the death penalty for adultery. The Code of Hammurabi also bans adultery, but with a crucial difference (Law 129): the husband may pardon his wife for her offense and allow her to live. This caveat is not found in Jewish law, as adultery is not just an offense toward another person, but an attack on the sanctity of marriage as ordained by G-d.

Interpersonal relations and their divine nature reach a high point when discussing the laws of slavery. While the basic commandments as to how a slave must be treated come from the opening verses of this week’s sedrah (Exodus 21:1-7), a deep insight can be gleaned from Jeremiah 34, which features G-d’s rebuke to the Jewish people for their mistreatment of their slaves. Already in the second verse of the chapter it is known to Jeremiah and King Zedekiah that Jerusalem will not survive war with Nebuchadnezzar and will be delivered into his hands. Six verses later, seemingly out of nowhere, Zedekiah mandates that all of the Judahites set free their Hebrew slaves. While Zedekiah’s record was tarnished by various other activities (Kings II 24:19-20), it is difficult not to admire him for this act of righteousness and moral leadership in a time of chaos. In verse 14, G-d reminds Yirmiyahu of the laws of slaves found in Parshat Mishpatim and chastises the people for retaking their fellow man as a slave after already freeing him. He subsequently tells the prophet that because they failed to extend liberty to their fellow man, that “liberty” will be extended to them to be conquered and destroyed by their enemies.

While the contrast between specific Near Eastern and Jewish laws conveys the fundamental ethical shift that came to the world via Judaism, it is the narrative in Jeremiah that highlights the need of the Jewish people to be uncompromising in their ethics and morals even at times of literal and metaphorical churban. Destruction and exile stared Zedekiah in the face, but he still devoted his energies to fighting the fight of the oppressed even if there was no hope that this would cause a reversal of G-d’s will. Jewish children are taught from infancy that the First Temple was destroyed because of avodah zarah,[5] but it must be stated that the crumbling of human morality that was happening simultaneously angered G-d to a similar degree. Pagan idolatry is no longer a pressing issue for the Jewish people, but there is always room for improvement in our ethics as a community and as individuals. If we are to want and to expect the betterment of our interpersonal behavior, the divine nature of these commandments cannot be overstated enough.

Notes:
[1] Commentary of R’ D.Z Hoffmann to Exodus 21:1. https://mg.alhatorah.org/Full/Shemot/21.1#e0n6

[2] Bazak, Amnon. “Shiur #08b: Tanakh and Literature of the Ancient Near East.” Shiur #08b: Tanakh and Literature of the Ancient Near East, Yeshivat Har Etzion, 1 Dec. 2014, www.etzion.org.il/en/shiur-08b-tanakh-and-literature-ancient-near-east.

[3] All translations of biblical verses are my own in consultation with the 1917 JPS Translation found at www.mechon-mamre.org

[4] All references to the Code of Hammurabi made in consultation with the Marquette University translation. http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/txt/ah/Assyria/Hammurabi.html#Introduction

[5] BT Yoma 9a
Zachary Ottenstein (SBM ’18) is a sophomore at Yeshiva University majoring in History and Bible.

Leave a comment

Filed under Uncategorized

How Did Chazal Interpret Torah Laws They Found Troubling?

by Rabbi Aryeh Klapper

Dear Rabbi Klapper:

My rebbe in yeshiva two years ago emphasized over and over again the importance of “being mevatel our will before His.” His practical point was that we had to accept halakhah as it was, rather than evaluating it against any external moral or ethical standard. That’s what Chazal did with the Torah, and it’s what we must try to do with the Tradition they bequeathed to us.

I was convinced. 

Your shiur last week therefore was earthshaking to me. You argued – I think it’s fair to say you demonstrated – that Chazal derived some of their halakhic interpretations from external moral and ethical standards. (Where those moral standards were derived from, you didn’t say.  Maybe aggada? Intuition? Natural law?) You argued that developing a conscience was essential for properly learning Torah. My head and soul are still spinning.

You raised tentatively the possibility that Chazal sometimes went further.  Maybe when they couldn’t find a way to square halakhah with ethics, they would interpret that halakhah so that it happened as rarely as possible. Maybe they used ethics not just as a way of understanding halakhah, but even as a way of limiting it.

I know you said in the shiur that you couldn’t prove this. You also spent a lot of time disproving Professor Halbertal’s more extreme claim that Chazal used interpretations they knew were not “latent in the text” in order to ensure that the Ben Sorer Umoreh never happened.  But even granting your other points – and I can’t see any way not to grant them – this possibility still jangled me. So I ‘d appreciate it very much if you’d answer one more question, and I apologize if it seems disrespectful. Has any posek before you raised this possibility, let alone held of it?  

Dear Ben:

Thank you so much for writing!

Chazal teach us that the evil inclination is both in front of and behind us. The yetzer hora in front of us incites us to reject what we know to be the obvious and true interpretation of His Will, while the yetzer hora behind us tempts to unquestioningly accept an obvious but false interpretation as His Will. It’s really hard to accurately resist both at the same time, but that is our task.

I’m very, very glad to hear that you’re still thinking about and processing the Torah I taught. Certainly you should not accept anything just because I said it, and certainly we should strive to be mevatel our will before His. The question is how we can correctly identify His Will.

Your question came at exactly the right time, because preparing for this week’s Dvar Torah, I came across a relevant discussion from R. Dovid Tzvi Hoffman’s commentary to Shemot 21:5-6 (http://mg.alhatorah.org/Full/Shemot/21.5#e0n6).  Rabbi Hoffman, author of Shu”T Melamed l’Hoil, was perhaps the foremost posek in Western Europe in the early twentieth century.

Rabbi Hoffman notes that the laws of the Pierced Slave, in both Shemot and Devarim 15:16, open with a description of the slave’s psychological motive for rejecting freedom. These descriptions could most easily be taken as דבר הכתוב בהווה, as conventional illustrations rather than as legal requirements. This is especially so because the descriptions differ in at least two important ways. In Shemot, the slave loves his own wife and family, whereas in Devarim he loves the master’s household; and only Devarim mentions that he has prospered with you. At the least, they should be taken as alternative sufficient motives.

Chazal, however, rule that all of these motives must be present exactly in order to allow piercing. They also interpret the sections literalistically, e.g. they understand “כי טוב לו עמך = because it is good for him with you” to mean that the master must also have prospered.  What, Rabbi Hoffman asks, motivated these rulings, which he believes are not the simplest explanation of the verses?

His response builds off a fascinating citation from Ibn Ezra:

Rabbi Avraham ibn Ezra correctly notes (in his Shorter Commentary (21:5):

“The ma’atikim (recorders?) of Torah say that a Hebrew Slave may not be pierced if any of the conditions is lacking,

such as love of his master and his master’s house, and his own wife and children, and that it be good for him with his master.

They say the same regarding the Straying and Rebellious Son.

What they say is correct.”

Why does Ibn Ezra compare the interpretation of this section to that of the Straying and Rebellious Son?

Rabbi Hoffman answers: Because just as the interpretations there are intended to make the Straying and Rebellious son rare (according to at least one Tannaitic position not just rare but non-existent), so too the interpretations here are intended to make the Pierced Slave rare.

But why did they want to make these Torah laws apply only in rare cases?

ואם נשאל מה הביא את חכמינו ז”ל לתפוש כלשונה פרשה זו או אחרת, כגון שלנו או זו של בן סורר ומורה, התשובה ברורה – הם ראו דבר תמוה – חידוש – בכך שבן ישראל ייענש באות המחפיר של רציעת האוזן או בכך שבן יהא נדון למוות על חיי הוללות ואי-ציות לדברי הוריו, ועל כן ביקשו לצמצם את תלותן של הלכות אלה למקרים מעטים ככל האפשר, והוא על פי הכלל: “אין לך בו אלא חידושו” (ובדומה לכך נמצא להלן, אצל אמה עבריה).

If we were to ask: What brought our Sages of blessed memory to adopt a literalist interpretation of this or that chapter, for example ours or that of the Straying and Rebellious Son?

The answer is clear – they saw something astounding – counterintuitive –

in a Jew being punished with a shameful sign such as a pierced ear,

or a son being sentenced to execution because of a life of dissipation and disobedience to his parents’ words,

and therefore they sought to narrow the application of these laws to as few cases as possible.

This follows the principle “Ein lekha bo ela chiddusho” (RAK: in Midrash Halakhah, roughly translatable as “Counterintuitive laws cannot be used as paradigms”).

(You will find something similar later on regarding the Hebrew Maidservant.)  

The Sages sought to limit the application of these laws because they found them ethically baffling.  I don’t think you could ask for a clearer statement by a posek of my tentative proposal above.

Rabbi Hoffman then ties in another sugya discussed in my shiur.

Indeed, everyone knows the famous statement of Rabbi Tarfon and Rabbi Akiva:

“Had we been on the Sanhedrin, no person would ever have been executed.”

He then explains how these interpretations are justified:

חכמינו ז”ל לא ייחסו לעצמם את הסמכות לבטל מצוה ממצוות התורה שנראתה להם תמוהה ובלתי מובנת, אבל יחד עם זאת השתמשו במלואה בזכות שהתורה העניקה להם לבאר את מצוותיה מתוך הנחה מבוססת היטב, שביאורם שלהם עולה לכתחילה בקנה אחד עם כוונתו של נותן התורה

Our Sages of blessed memory did not arrogate to themselves the authority to nullify a commandment from among the Torah’s commandments that seems to them astonishing or incomprehensible, but at the same time they utilized to the fullest the privilege that the Torah granted them to explain its mitzvot on the basis of the well-founded assumption that their interpretations align ideally with the intention of the Giver of the Torah.

Finally, Rabbi Hoffman addresses a potential challenge to his view.

אך שמא נכון יותר לומר, שביאור זה של פסוקנו נמסר להם לחכמינו במסורה מסיני? ייתכן כי כן הוא, אבל אין הכרח לומר כך, שהרי במקומות רבים מצינו, שחכמים חולקים זה על זה בביאורו של כתוב והתלמוד מנמק כל אחת מדעות החולקים, ואם כן ברור הוא כי דעות אלה לא במסורה נתקבלו. ומכיוון שבמקורות אלה לא נאמר במפורש שהביאור מסיני הוא, ואכן אנו מוצאים אצל חז”ל ביאורים עצמאיים לרוב, הרי שגם אפשר, שגם כאן לפנינו ביאורים משלהם (ולא מסיני). ודאי שאין להם כל סיבה אחרת לפרש הפרשה כלשונה מאשר זו שהבאנו למעלה.

But maybe it would be more correct to say, that this explanation of our verses was transmitted to our Sages in the transmission from Sinai?

That could be, but there is no necessity for saying so, because we have found in many places that the Sages disagree with each other about the explanation of Scripture, and the Talmud provides the reasoning for each conflicting opinion.  If so, it is clear that these opinions were not received as a tradition. And since in the sources under discussion it is not said explicitly that the interpretation is from Sinai, and since we do find in Chazal numerous independent interpretations, it is also possible that here as well we have an interpretation that came from them (and not from Sinai). Certainly they had no cause for interpreting this section literalistically other than the one we brought above.

Let me say, perhaps characteristically, that I have difficulty with that last sentence. I would prefer to say that Chazal’s motive for minimizing the application of the Pierced Slave was their shock that the Torah would permit any Jew to reject freedom for reasons other than desperation.  I also want to think a lot more about whether the analogy Ibn Ezra draws to Chazal’s interpretation of the Straying and Rebellious Son is compelling, and also whether Ibn Ezra intends as far-reaching a point as Rabbi Hoffman makes.

But your question was whether any posek had made the suggestion that Chazal interpreted Torah laws in ways that limited their application because of ethical concerns.  The answer to that I think is plainly yes.

You also noted that your teachers had said that we should relate to Chazal the way that Chazal related to Torah. If one accepts the analogy, which is not obvious, I would caution that our authority to interpret Chazal’s words, individually and communally, must be based on a well-founded assumption that our interpretations align ideally with the intentions of their authors.

Leave a comment

Filed under Uncategorized, Weekly Devar Torah

Does Justice Bring Peace?

This week’s alumni Dvar Torah is by Miriam Gedwiser

Shemot 18:23 contains the third and final appearance of the word שלום in the book of Shemot. (All three pertain to Yitro.)  Yitro advises Mosheh that if God approves of, and Mosheh implements, Yitro’s plan for the division of the judicial workload, “וְיָכָלְתָּ עֲמֹד וְגַם כָּל הָעָם הַזֶּה עַל מְקֹמוֹ יָבֹא בְשָׁלוֹם” (“then you will be able to endure (lit. stand), and also this whole people will go to its place in peace”).  Although most commentators read this prediction of שלום for the people as having to do with the lessening of the administrative burden of seeking justice, the Netziv offers a fascinating reading that gets to the nature and benefits of decentralized, even imperfect, justice. Bear with me while we get there.

The first part of Yitro’s prediction seems pretty straightforward:  Adopting Yitro’s suggestion will ease the burden off of Moshe. Literarily, Ralbag notes that Yitro’s language of “you will be able to endure/stand,” seems to bookend Yitro’s critique in verse 18, נָבֹ֣ל תִּבֹּ֔ל גַּם־אַתָּ֕ה גַּם־הָעָ֥ם הַזֶּ֖ה אֲשֶׁ֣ר עִמָּ֑ךְ (You will surely wear out both yourself and this people that is with you).  Yitro’s new routine can be sustained indefinitely, as opposed to the unendurable status quo. We may also hear an echo of Yitro’s initial question in verse 14, מַדּ֗וּעַ אַתָּ֤ה יוֹשֵׁב֙ לְבַדֶּ֔ךָ, why are you sitting all alone? If he adopts Yitro’s suggestion, Moshe will be able to reduce the burden of “sitting” to judge all day and be able to stand up.

What are we to make of the end of Yitro’s prediction, וְגַם כׇּל הָעָם הַזֶּה עַל מְקֹמוֹ יָבֹא בְשָׁלוֹם?  The commentators are all over the map in identifying the “people/עם” in question, the “place/מקום” to which they are to be brought, and the nature of the “peace/שלום” they will have there.  Ibn Ezra suggests what strikes me as the pshat: By following Yitro’s suggestion Moshe can help the Israelites make it to Eretz Canaan. Others suggest that Yitro means that the עם who gather around Moshe daily (see verse 14) will have their burdens eased as well, because they will not need to travel to the Levite camp for justice once local judges are established (see, e.g., Chizkuni) or because they will not need to wait all day for a hearing (see, e.g.,  Ralbag). What these interpretations share is that the שלום in question is a product of procedural improvements, and does not have to do with the substance of the ruling.

Ibn Ezra and R. David Tzvi Hofman understand the שלום in question to be more substantive:  The backlog of cases coming to Moshe was deterring some people from seeking legal recourse for their disputes at all, leading to those disputes becoming entrenched and the disputants embittered.  This understanding is in keeping with the Talmud, Sanhedrin 7a, which cites our verse to prove that one who leaves court having been stripped even of his cloak (i.e., having suffered a large financial loss) should “sing a song and go on his way.”  A proper legal resolution is itself a cause of celebration, and its finality a source of שלום, even for the side that loses money. (See also Seforno.)

Against all this background enters the Netziv (harchev davar to 18:23).  He connects this verse to a talmudic passage on Sanhedrin 6b (link: Sanhedrin 6b:2).  The Talmud there discusses the merits or demerits of judicial compromise (pesharah).  The slogan on the anti-pesharah side is יקוב הדין את ההר, let the law pierce the mountain – i.e., let the chips fall where they may in terms of winners and losers, the law is both inflexible and overpowering.   This slogan, in turn, is associated with Moshe, who perhaps not coincidentally returned the law from a mountain himself.

Netziv argues that the halachah is that pesharah (judicially enforced compromise) is a mitzvah only before it is clear which side has the winning argument.  In Moshe’s case, according to the Netziv, because Mosheh had such facility with the details of Torah law, he never found himself in that situation; the law was always clear to him, so compromise was never the right solution.

By appointing more judges who knew less than Moshe, Moshe might have worried that he would be delegating his job to people who could not do it as well as he could.  Netziv reads Yitro as affirming this concern while also turning it on its head. Yes, the new judges might not always be sure right away who was right. But this actually opened up the possibility for them to seek pesharah, compromise, which in turn generates שלום, increased satisfaction with and harmony regarding judicial outcomes.

According to the Netziv, Yitro was advising Moshe to delegate to judges whom everyone knew would be less skilled than Moshe at speedy halachic evaluation.  But rather than see this as a loss or dilution, Yitro saw it as an opportunity. These new judges might not be as good at quickly spotting and determining halachic issues, but it was precisely this deficit that would allow them to generate better, more שלום-like outcomes in some cases.

Yitro’s insight was not simply “delegate more,” but that the apparent downside of delegating was not the end of the story.  While delegating could result in judges who were less competent than Moshe in Moshe’s area of comparative advantage (speedy halachic determination), it could also be seen as resulting in differently competent judges, whose own comparative advantage, the ability to generate pesharah, would enrich the people.

Perhaps this is why Yitro himself is the character associated with שלום in this book (See note 1).  Yitro’s outsider’s perspective, his capacity to re-envision and reframe the situation, is what allows rigidly legalistic Moshe to accept a necessary change.  Just as additional judges who see the world differently than Moshe will open new possibilities for the outcomes of Israelite legal cases, so Yitro, a leader who sees Moshe’s situation differently than himself, can open Moshe to new outcomes as well.

Miriam Gedwiser (SBM 2002) teaches Talmud and Tanakh at Ramaz Upper School and Drisha.

 

Leave a comment

Filed under Alumni devar Torah, Uncategorized

What Does G-d Think of Yitro’s Advice?

by Rabbi Aryeh Klapper

Rambam writes (Introduction to the Commentary on the Mishnah) that the tasks of a prophet in the name of G-d can be divided in twain. The first part is

שיתנבא בשם ה’

ויקרא ויזהיר על עבודתו

ויאמר שה’ הוסיף על המצות מצוה או גרע מהם מצוה

מכל המצות שכלל אותם ספר התורה.

ואין הבדל בין שיוסיף ויגרע במקראות או שיוסיף ויגרע בפירוש המקובל,

That he prophesy in the name of Hashem

declare and caution regarding His service

and say that Hashem added a mitzvah or subtracted a mitzvah

from all the mitzvot included in the Torah.

It makes no difference whether this is done by adding or subtracting from the text

or rather by adding or subtracting from the received interpretation.

Rambam declares that any post-Mosaic prophet making such claims is obviously false and should be executed. Post-Mosaic prophets are bound by the Mosaic verse that Torah “is not in Heaven … rather the matter is very close to you, in your mouth and in your heart …,” which Rambam understands to refer to Written Torah (ironically in your mouth because recited) and Oral Torah (in your heart because derived intellectually).  However, Mosheh Rabbeinu himself was continually adding mitzvot and interpreting prior mitzvot via prophecy. While Mosheh lived, the Torah was still in Heaven.

The second set of prophetic tasks is

שיקרא לעבודת ה’ ויזהיר על תורתו,

ויצוה בני אדם על שמירת התורה בלי תוספת ולא גרעון,

כמו שאמר אחרון הנביאים זכרו תורת משה עבדי . . .

ויבטיח טובות לשומריה ועונש לעוברים עליה

כמו שעשו ישעיה וירמיה ויחזקאל וזולתם.

ויצוה צווים ויזהיר אזהרות שלא בעניני הדת,

כגון שיאמר הלחמו על עיר פלונית או אומה פלונית עכשיו,

כמו שצוה שמואל את שאול להלחם בעמלק אז.

או שיזהיר מלהרוג . .  .

To call to the service of G-d and caution regarding His Torah,

and to command people regarding observance of the Torah without addition or subtraction

as the last of the prophet said: Remember the Torah of Mosheh My servant

and to guarantee good things to those who observe it and punishment to those who transgress it

as did Yeshayah and Yirimiyah and Yechezkel and others

and to command commands and caution cautions that are not about religious matters,

for example to say ‘Make war on City X (or Nation X) now!’

as Shmuel commanded Shaul to make war against Amalek then,

or to caution not to kill . . .

Rambam may derive this expansive list from Mosheh’s self-justification to Yitro in Shemot 18:15-16.

וַיֹּ֥אמֶר מֹשֶׁ֖ה לְחֹתְנ֑וֹ

כִּֽי־יָבֹ֥א אֵלַ֛י הָעָ֖ם לִדְרֹ֥שׁ אֱ-לֹהִֽים.

כִּֽי־יִהְיֶ֨ה לָהֶ֤ם דָּבָר֙ בָּ֣א אֵלַ֔י

וְשָׁ֣פַטְתִּ֔י בֵּ֥ין אִ֖ישׁ וּבֵ֣ין רֵעֵ֑הוּ

וְהוֹדַעְתִּ֛י אֶת־חֻקֵּ֥י הָאֱ-לֹהִ֖ים וְאֶת־תּוֹרֹתָֽיו.

Mosheh said to his father in-law:

Because the nation comes to me to lidrosh Elokim

When they have a matter – it comes to me

I will judge between a man and his fellow

I will make known the chukkei haElokim and His torot.

We can read this as Mosheh as providing a long description of the single task of judging lawsuits (Rashbam), or read verse 16 as a detailed explanation of “lidrosh Elokim” from verse 15 (Shadal, HaKtav veHaKabbalah). But I suggest that Rambam read lidrosh Elokim as a separate phrase, which referred specifically to the prophetic statements that are not about religious matters, but rather about vital national policy questions.  This reading is also adopted by Seforno:

הנשיאים וראשי הדור

הבאים על עסקי הרבים וסדרם באים אלי

בהכרח לדרוש אלהים,

כי על פי ה’ יחנו (במדבר ט:כ).

The nesi’im and the heads of the generation,

who come regarding the affairs of the public and how to organize them,

necessarily come to me,

because they encamped at the instruction of Hashem

Ramban fundamentally agrees as to the meaning of lidrosh Elokim, but he provides a very different list of non-religious matters.

כי יבא אלי העם לדרוש א-להים –

להתפלל על חוליהם ולהודיעם מה שיאבד להם,

כי זה יקרא ‘דרישת אלהים’.

וכן יעשו עם הנביאים, כמו שאמר:

לפנים בישראל כה אמר האיש בלכתו לדרוש א-להים לכו ונלכה עד הרואה (שמואל א ט:ט),

וכן: ודרשת את ה’ מאותו לאמר: האחיה מחלי זה (מלכים ב ח’:ח’) –

שיתפלל עליו ויודיענו אם נשמעה תפלתו.

“Because the nation comes to me to lidrosh Elokim” –

to pray regarding their sicknesses and to make known what was lost to them,

because this is called drishat Elokim

and this is what they do with prophets, as Scripture says:

Earlier in Israel a man would say this when he went lidrosh Elokim: “Come, we’ll go to the seer”

so too: You will be doresh Elokim from him as follows: “Will I survive this illness?”

meaning to pray for him and make known to him whether his prayer was heeded.

For Ramban, Mosheh’s time was not being taken up by vital national affairs of war and peace, but rather by quotidian pastoral tasks such as finding lost objects and praying for the sick.

Netziv denies that praying for the sick was a prophetic function; one went to the prophet to find out what would happen, not to change it. However, he admits that one might respond to a prophetic doom by praying, and thereby seeking to change it, as Chizkiyah successfully did when Yeshayah prophesied his death.

But I think the most radical reorientation of the phrase lidrosh Elokim is found in Keli Yakar and Or HaChayyim.  They understand Mosheh as arguing to Yitro that it was necessary for him to sit as the sole judge, and inevitable that people would come to him regardless of how many other judges he appointed, because he judged on the basis of substantive rather than procedural truth. He was judging not on the basis of heuristic rules and eyewitnesses, but rather because G-d told him what had actually happened and what the just outcome was.

Mosheh thought that people would never give up the confidence and certainty that their case had been decided justly. But Yitro counterclaimed that people will give up a great many things to avoid standing in line.

It is easy to see Mosheh as idealistic in this reading, and Yitro as cynically realistic about human nature. But this seems to me incorrect. The real issue is that Mosheh did not realize that time is a cost, and that correct justice inefficiently administered actually imposes unjust costs on both parties. Rabbi Abraham Halbfinger of blessed memory taught me this over and over again with regard to the Boston Beit Din.

Or to take an illustration from a different context: sometimes it takes so long to look at replays that the game itself is damaged, even though the specific call is now made correctly.

Or in a different beit din context: Even if you eventually decide every case of Jewish status correctly, the psychological costs imposed on people whose status is meanwhile left in doubt, or who can never be certain that their case won’t be reopened in the future, can be so great that they overwhelmingly outweigh marginal improvements in accuracy.

Perhaps we can suggest similarly that Ramban correctly understands what Mosheh means by lidrosh Elokim. But Yitro argues that Mosheh is shortchanging the nation by dealing with so many details, even though he deals with them better than any substitute could.  The conceptual understanding of prophecy remains the same, but Mosheh now budgets much more of his time for national issues, as per Rambam and Seforno.

A more radical reading is that Mosheh in principle opposed the idea of lo bashomayim hi.  That is to say, he did not understand that heteronomy is a cost, and that tzalmei Elokim should, to the extent possible, play a role in determining the rules they live by. Everything should be directly decided by G-d.

Yitro shakes Mosheh’s worldview by pointing out that G-d had not told him what was going through the minds of the people waiting on line, or how they would react if the system changed. Perhaps He would not answer even if asked – G-d did not want to decide everything, at the cost of human responsibility and freedom. And indeed, Mosheh does not ask G-d before implementing Yitro’s advice.

Leave a comment

Filed under Uncategorized, Weekly Devar Torah

Amalek: The Risk of Rhetoric

by Rabbi Aryeh Klapper

The mitzvah of wiping out Amalek raises the classic philosophic question of ends and means. Amalek represents ultimate evil, and genocide is ultimate evil: may one commit genocide in order to eliminate ultimate evil?

This formulation is dangerously false. It confuses rhetoric with reality.

Amalek is a specific genealogical group, the descendants of the tribe that attacked the Jewish people at Refidim. They were not the only evil people in the world, then or now. Killing all the genealogical Amalekites in the world would not eliminate evil in the world.

Eliminating a representation of ultimate evil does not eliminate that evil. Genocide against a representation of ultimate evil recreates that evil rather than removing it.

What then justifies the mitzvah?

Before we approach that question, we need first to establish a key background fact.

All of us are constantly reminded of how difficult it can be for people from the Soviet Union to prove that they are Jewish. 75 years of anti-religious and anti-Semitic communist rule left many people with no clear sense or evidence of ancestry. Now imagine if it were 2500 years, and there were no Jews in the world outside the Soviet Union, no defined social group with even the haziest connection to Judaism, and no record of any specifically Jewish languages or practices.

That’s what it would be like to prove to our halakhic satisfaction today that any specific person was an Amalekite. Utterly impossible.

To make the mitzvah of Amalek meaningful in our day, then, requires us to think about the mitzvah symbolically.

We can say that we need to fight the representation of evil with our own representation of good.  For example, we might identify Amalek with lack of yir’at Shomayim (=fear/awe of Heaven), and so emphasize the importance of developing our own religious mindfulness. Or we might identify Amalek with sloth, and seek to become models of diligence. Or with lack of sportsmanship, or disregard for social justice, et cetera.  All these can be great spurs to moral and ethical self-improvement and drivers of kiddushei shem Shomayim (sanctifications of the Name of Heaven).

This is the standard rhetorical approach taken by commentators through the ages. They treated Amalek the same way they treated all other mitzvot that have no practical contemporary application, by trying to find a way they could nonetheless teach a contemporary lesson. (I have several times heard an argument that commentators offer symbolic interpretations of Amalek because they have ethical difficulty with the literal mitzvah.  This seems to me completely baseless.)

Here too, there is a grave risk of confusing rhetoric with reality. We can erroneously decide that the symbolic meaning of the mitzvah is also the halakhah.

In the case of Amalek, the risk of confusion is particularly grave, as the mitzvah-action is mass killing.

The most common case of such confusion stems from the Rav’s citation of his father to the effect that all nations whose aim is the genocide of the Jewish people are considered Amalek.

This was a rhetorical move that had great appeal in light of Stalinism, the Shoah, and especially the establishment and survival of the State of Israel in the face of attacks with explicitly announced genocidal intentions. The trope of Amalek serves the beneficial purpose of convincing us that genocidal threats can be real, and that we need to respond to them militarily as well as spiritually.

The risk involved in such a rhetorical move is also clear. Listeners may make a category error akin to taking “an eye for an eye” literally. A genocide for a genocide leaves the whole world dead.

The rhetorical hook for Rav Moshe Soloveitchik’s idea is the language of Rambam in Laws of Kings 5:2-3.

מצות עשה להחרים שבעה עממין

שנאמר החרם תחרימם,

וכל שבא לידו אחד מהן ולא הרגו – עובר בלא תעשה

שנאמר לא תחיה כל נשמה,

וכבר אבד זכרם.

וכן מצות עשה לאבד זכר עמלק

שנאמר תמחה את זכר עמלק,

ומצות עשה לזכור תמיד מעשיו הרעים ואריבתו

כדי לעורר איבתו

שנאמר זכור את אשר עשה לך עמלק.

There is a DO commandment to devastate the Seven Nations,

as Scripture says You must surely devastate them.

Anyone who had one of them come to his hand and did not kill him – violates a DO NOT,

as Scripture says Leave no soul alive.

But their memory has already been erased.

So too, there is a DO commandment to destroy the memory of Amalek,

as Scripture writes You must erase the memory of Amalek,

and a DO commandment to continually remember his evil deeds and his ambush

so as to arouse hatred for him

as Scripture says: Remember that which Amalek did to you.

Rabbi Soloveitchik notes that Maimonides says “their memory has already been erased” regarding the Seven Nations, but not regarding Amalek. However, genealogical Amalek should be as gone as the Seven Nations. It follows that there must be a non-genealogical Amalek.

This does not actually follow. In his Introduction to the Book of Commandments, Maimonides explains why the mitzvah to destroy the Seven Nations is considered “for the generations,” and therefore among the 613, even though the Seven Nations have already been destroyed:

וכן להרוג שבע’ עממין ולאבדם צווי נצטוינו בו,

והוא מלחמת מצוה,

ואנחנו מצווים לחטט אחריהם ולרדפם בכל דור ודור

עד שיכלו ולא ישאר מהם איש,

וכן עשינו

עד אשר תמו ונכרתו על ידי דוד

ונתפזרו הנשארים ונתערבו בין האומות עד שלא נשאר להם שם.

So too, to kill the Seven Nations and destroy them is a commandment we were commanded,

and it is an obligatory war,

and we are commanded to scour after and pursue them in every generation

until they are ended and no man remains from them.

And so we did,

until they ended and were cut off via David

and scattered and mixed in among the nations until they were left with no name.

In other words, this mitzvah is not genealogical – it is fulfilled even if genealogical descendants remain, so long as the culture is gone.  By contrast, regarding Amalek,

התחשוב

כשיאבד השם יתעלה זרע עמלק לגמרי ויכריתהו עד אחריתו,

כמו שיהיה במהרה בימינו כמו שהבטיחנו יתעלה (ס”פ בשלח) כי מחה אמחה את זכר עמלק

[הנאמר אז שאמרו יתעלה (שבמ’ קפח) תמחה את זכר עמלק]

אינו נוהג לדורות?! זה לא ייאמר,

אבל הוא נוהג בכל דור ודור

כל זמן שנמצא מזרע עמלק – מצוה להכריתו.

Would you think

that when Hashem the exalted destroys the descendants of Amalek utterly and cuts them off to their end, as will happen speedily in our days as He promised “for I will surely erase the memory of Amalek,”

that we would say then that the Exalted’s statement “You must erase the memory of Amalek

is not a mitzvah “for the generations?”

This cannot be said,

rather it is for each and every generation

Any time that a descendant of Amalek can be found – there is a commandment to cut him off.

In other words, it is precisely because the mitzvah of Amalek is purely genealogical that it remains operative in our day, even though it cannot be fulfilled, because we have no way of identifying Amalekites. (This is why the consensus opinion is that conversion applicants from the Seven Nations are accepted, but there is controversy about whether the same is true about Amalekites.)

Even if the specific attempt at symbolization were not demonstrably wrong from a rigorous halakhic perspective, the attempt to give it contemporary halakhic significance would be demonstrably wrong on numerous other grounds, among them:

1)      The verse containing this commandment begins

והיה בהניח לך ה’ אלקיך מכל איביך מסביב

When Hashem gives you respite from all your enemies surrounding

An almost identical phrase precedes the commandment to build the Temple in Devarim 12:10. On this basis, Rabbi Yehudah states on Sanhedrin 20b that “The Jews were given three commandments upon entering the Land: to appoint a king, to destroy the descendants of Amalek, and to build the Temple.”   Maimonides cites this statement in Laws of Kings, and makes clear, as both its language and interpretational history do, that the commandment to destroy Amalek is dependent on the prior fulfillment of the command to appoint a king (Chinnukh disagrees).

2)      Hagahot Maimoniyot states that the commandment applies only in the Messianic Era, after the full conquest of the Land. His position is almost a medieval consensus (Chinnukh disagrees.)

3)      Yereim states that the Mitzvah applies only to the king. (Chinnukh disagrees.)

4)      The plain meaning of the verse is that it applies only when there is peace on our borders.

5)      The implication of that plain meaning is that even if we were to accept that the symbol of the mitzvah has halakhic implications, Amalek stands for an enemy who is not on our borders, which I suggest means they must have no territorial dispute with us.  Possibly it means that they cannot have any practical conflict of interest with us.

I acknowledged several times in the above list that the Sefer HaChinnukh (604) disagrees. He holds that the mitzvah to wipe out Amalek is exactly parallel to that of the Seven Nations, even using Rambam’s language “if one comes to your hand, etc.” So it is important to note that Minchat Chinnukh immediately comments “but nowadays we are not commanded regarding this, because Sancheriv came and mixed up the world …,” and to my knowledge no one has suggested that this is an incorrect interpretation of Chinnukh.

Radbaz challenges several of the points above on the grounds that Shaul was commanded by Shmuel to destroy Amalek.  One standard response is that this was a hora’at sha’ah, an ad hoc decree rather than a fulfillment of the Torah command. This response may seem forced. However, in Maimonides’ Introduction to the Mishnah Commentary, he cites Shmuel’s command to Shaul as an example of prophetic “commands and warnings that are not about religious matters” (צוווים ואזהרות שלא בעניני הדת).

Let me be clear that the rationale for a mitzvah is sometimes given practical halakhic significance. This is what we call darshinan taama dikra (which is subject to its own extensive halakhic discussion). To take a famously radical and controversial example, ROSH held that since the purpose of the mitzvah of writing a Torah scroll is in order to learn from it, in a culture where Torah scrolls are kept in arks and used only in liturgical contexts, one fulfills the mitzvah by writing Torah codexes and Torah commentaries and halakhic works.

However, there remains a difference between rationale and law.  There are often clear reasons that the Torah chose to limit the legal implications of the rationale to specific cases. Law is about balancing values. Any claim that a rationale extends the law, especially to an entirely new set of cases, must be subjected to extremely careful and rigorous halakhic scrutiny (as that of ROSH has been). Rabbi Soloveitchik’s symbolization of Amalek cannot survive such scrutiny in principle, let alone in any potential contemporary application, and therefore must be understood purely as rhetoric, and every citation of it should make that absolutely clear. In the age of Yigal Amir, everyone who cites it must make absolutely clear that it is pure rhetoric. Laaniyut daati, it would be safest and best not to use it even rhetorically in the vast majority of contexts. “Sages, be careful with your words!”

Leave a comment

Filed under Weekly Devar Torah