Bio
Elliott Abrams is senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) in Washington, DC. He served as deputy assistant to the president and deputy national security advisor in the administration of President George W. Bush, where he supervised U.S. policy in the Middle East for the White House.
Abrams was educated at Harvard College, the London School of Economics, and Harvard Law School. After serving on the staffs of Senators Henry M. Jackson and Daniel P. Moynihan, he was an assistant secretary of state in the Reagan administration and received the secretary of state's Distinguished Service Award from Secretary George P. Shultz. In 2012, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy gave him its Scholar-Statesman Award.
Abrams was president of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington, DC, from 1996 until joining the White House staff. He was a member of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom from 1999 to 2001 and chairman of the commission in the latter year, and served a second term as a member of the Commission in 2012-2014. From 2009 to 2016, Abrams was a member of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council, which directs the activities of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. He is a member of the board of the National Endowment for Democracy, and teaches U.S. foreign policy at Georgetown University's Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service.
Abrams joined the Bush administration in June 2001 as special assistant to the president and senior director of the National Security Council for democracy, human rights, and international organizations. From December 2002 to February 2005, he served as special assistant to the president and senior director of the National Security Council for Near East and North African affairs. He served as deputy assistant to the president and deputy national security advisor for global democracy strategy from February 2005 to January 2009, and in that capacity supervised both the Near East and North African affairs and the democracy, human rights, and international organizations directorates of the National Security Council.
Abrams is the author of four books: Undue Process, Security and Sacrifice, Faith or Fear: How Jews Can Survive in a Christian America, and Tested by Zion: The Bush Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. He is the editor of three more, Close Calls: Intervention, Terrorism, Missile Defense and "Just War" Today; Honor Among Nations: Intangible Interests and Foreign Policy; and The Influence of Faith: Religious Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy.
Languages:
French (fluent), Spanish (fluent)
Middle East Policy After the "Arab Spring"
When protests swept the Arab world in 2011, the United States hoped that the so-called Arab Spring would bring a wave of liberalization and democratization to the Middle East. Today, with much of the region still contending with instability, sectarian violence, and authoritarianism, the United States faces several foreign policy conundrums. Should Washington resign itself to "Arab exceptionalism"—the long-held belief that Arab societies are immune to global waves of democratization— and give up on its hopes for political progress in the region? Should it seek the closest possible relations with existing governments regardless of their political characteristics? Or should it back the players, in each society, who continue to struggle for liberal values, democratic institutions, and human rights? And if the latter, does the United States know how to act effectively to promote political reform while limiting the damage to its relations with those in power? My work on these issues will result in a book outlining the nature of the challenge and suggesting how U.S. foreign policy should address it. I also convene the Middle Eastern Studies Roundtable Series to discuss these questions.
This project is made possible in part through the support of the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation.
The Future of the Middle East "Peace Process"
The Israeli-Palestinian peace process never ends—nor does it seem to make much progress. In blog entries, op-eds, and magazine articles (and in my most recent book, Tested by Zion: The Bush Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict), I analyze the often energetic American efforts to bring about a negotiated settlement and the Israeli and Palestinian reactions to them. There were no serious negotiations during President Obama's first term. In 2013, a dogged effort by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry brought the parties back to the table, but the talks collapsed acrimoniously nine months later. Are there any hopes for reviving the negotiations now, after the Gaza war? And would such talks have any real chance of achieving a two-state solution, or do the Israelis and Palestinians participate in them only to calm their publics and satisfy the insistent Americans? I look at the periodic negotiations, the domestic politics of both sides, and the facts on the ground that may be leading toward or away from realistic solutions.
How to Advance Human Rights
Over the last decade, human rights groups have documented a decline in freedom around the world. In some countries, such as Venezuela and Egypt, elected leaders used democracy to get into power and then abused that power; in others, such as Russia, autocrats have simply acted more forcefully against their opponents. The question for the United States is how to weigh the importance of promoting human rights and determine what tools are most effective in doing so. In my experience, firm presidential leadership and pressure work better than the human rights and democracy promotion programs of USAID, the State Department, and other U.S. government bodies in affecting foreign governments' behavior. The nongovernmental and civil society organizations that Washington supports abroad seem to protest more effectively than they build. Strong democratic political parties are essential for advancing political change. How should the United States help democratic activists build them? Can it help protect such people while they work for democracy in dangerous settings? These are issues I address in occasional writings.
Featured Publications
A former top National Security Council officer in the Bush White House tells the full inside story of the Bush administration and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
See more in Israel; Palestine; United States; Diplomacy and Statecraft
All Publications
Elliott Abrams testified before the Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs of the U.S. Senate Committee on Appropriations. He gave his assessment of the security side of the U.S.-Egypt aid relationship and suggested that the United States should reconsider its security and economic assistance to Egypt.
See more in Egypt; Conflict Assessment
Elliott Abrams reflects on free speech and his recent visit to University of California, Berkeley.
See more in United States; Culture and Foreign Policy; Censorship and Freedom of Speech
Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas will be visiting Washington soon and will call for a renewed commitment to the creation of a Palestinian state. But both opinion polls, and actions by the Palestinian Authority glorifying terrorism and terrorists, suggest that Palestinian political culture is oriented to violence and revanchism, not to peace. Elliott Abrams argues that a change in Palestinian political culture is a necessary precondition for real peace.
See more in Palestine; Politics and Strategy; Peace, Conflict, and Human Rights
Should Congress cut aid to the Palestinian Authority unless it ceases payments to terrorists and their families? In the new issue of National Review magazine, Elliott Abrams argues that Congress should pass the Taylor Force Act, cut the aid, and try to force a change in Palestinian political culture.
See more in Palestine; Israel; Conflict Assessment
The American strike on Syria shows President Trump in two new roles: as Commander in Chief, and far more surprisingly as Leader of the Free World. Elliott Abrams explains why in the Weekly Standard.
See more in Syria; United States; Presidents and Chiefs of State; Military Operations
How did a tough general like Yitzhak Rabin come to offer the Golan Heights to Hafez al-Assad and to make a deal that brought Yasser Arafat back from exile to rule the Palestinian Territories? Elliott Abrams's review of Itamar Rabinovich's new biography of Rabin raises these and other issues.
See more in Israel; History and Theory of International Relations
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Washington demonstrated that the tensions in U.S.-Israeli relations during the Obama administration are over and that the Trump administration intends to pursue a peace process.
See more in Israel; Diplomacy and Statecraft
Prime Minister Netanyahu is visiting Washington this week. In The Weekly Standard, Elliott Abrams discusses how he and President Trump will handle Jerusalem, Iran, and the "peace process" when they meet.
See more in Israel; United States; Territorial Disputes
How did the Obama administration become obsessed with freezing Israeli settlements, leading to the UN vote and Kerry speech that have brought such widespread condemnation? Elliott Abrams explains the history in National Review.
See more in Israel; Politics and Strategy; Territorial Disputes
John Kerry’s 75-minute apologia on Israel, peace, and the settlements contained no new ideas, but did further damage to Israel. Elliott Abrams explains the problem in The Weekly Standard.
See more in Israel; Territorial Disputes; Diplomacy and Statecraft
Elliott Abrams comments on the Obama administration’s abstention on the recent United Nations Security Council resolution.
See more in Israel; Territorial Disputes; Politics and Strategy
Last week the Obama administration abandoned Israel at the United Nations, allowing the passage of a damaging and hostile Security Council resolution. In an op-ed entitled “The United States Just Made Middle East Peace Harder” in The Washington Post, Elliott Abrams explained his views.
See more in Israel; Territorial Disputes; International Organizations and Alliances
The Arab world's stirring for political change in 2011 failed dramatically, but support for building democratic institutions still represents one of the region's best hopes for reform, writes CFR's Elliott Abrams.
See more in Middle East and North Africa; Democratization
What are we to make of Fidel Castro's life and the eulogies his death evoked? Elliott Abrams’s answer is in the Weekly Standard.
See more in Cuba; History and Theory of International Relations; Presidents and Chiefs of State
The Obama obsession with Israeli settlement activity ruined his policy toward Israel, prevented the negotiations he wanted, and was not based on the facts. The Trump administration should take a very different approach, Elliott Abrams argues in Foreign Policy magazine.
See more in Israel; Politics and Strategy; Palestine
As America and the United Nations face political transitions, the U.S. should not waste an opportunity to preserve its international interests, writes Elliott Abrams.
See more in United States; Global; Global Governance; Politics and Strategy
While Donald Trump was getting himself elected president, various factions of the American Left were fighting over just how much to boycott Israel. Elliott Abrams explains their ludicrous debate in The Weekly Standard.
See more in Israel; Politics and Strategy
For the first time ever, the United States abstained in the annual United Nations General Assembly vote to condemn the U.S. embargo of Cuba. The vote was bad enough; the explanation of vote offered by our envoy at the UN was in many ways even worse. Elliott Abrams explains the problem in National Review.
See more in Cuba; United States; Human Rights; Diplomacy and Statecraft
Elliott Abrams comments on his own appearance in recently released State Department-Clinton Foundation emails.
See more in United States; Presidents and Chiefs of State
President Obama and his defenders are trumpeting the new aid agreement with Israel as proof that he is the best friend Israel ever had in the White House. In fact, it’s a bad deal and should be treated the same way Obama treated prior agreements he didn't like: It should be forgotten by the next president.
See more in United States; Israel; Presidents and Chiefs of State; Foreign Aid