Poland Slams the Door on Holocaust Dialogue
Darkness is no disinfectant.
Sohrab Ahmari 2018-02-06
The legacy of the Shoah in Poland, John Paul II said, is “a wound that has not healed, one that keeps bleeding.” The Polish government’s new Holocaust law rubs salt into the wound and renders healing that much more elusive.
The law, which is expected to be signed into law on Tuesday by Polish President Andrzej Duda, criminalizes historical claims of Polish responsibility for the Holocaust and the use of “Polish death camps” and similar expressions. Violators face up to a year in prison. The Trump administration has condemned the move on free-speech grounds. “If enacted this draft legislation could undermine free speech and academic discourse,” the U.S. State Department said in a statement last month. “We all must be careful not to inhibit discussion and commentary on the Holocaust.” The move, it warned the ruling Law and Justice party, risks straining Warsaw’s relationships with its allies in Washington and Jerusalem.
That is all correct. But the law’s most lamentable casualty is the bond of Polish-Jewish friendship that had only recently been restored thanks to the courageous efforts of figures on both sides of the divide. The restoration, as serious Jews and Poles would admit, was far from complete. Yet it had already born fruit: among them growing diplomatic warmth between Israel and Poland and a mini-renaissance of Jewish life in cities like Krakow. These achievements required “willingness and openness in treating difficult and painful problems of the past” and “brotherly dialogue,” as Archbishop Henryk Muszyński, then the primate of Poland, put it in a moving 1997 address on Polish-Jewish relations.
Now, in a misguided attempt to vindicate Poland’s historical honor, Law and Justice has brought to this delicate situation its bombastic nationalism and the crudest of tools: censorship and criminalization.
Poland’s share of the blame for the Holocaust has been the subject of long and painful debate. At various points before World War II, the country was a thriving center of Jewish learning and culture and a refuge from ill-treatment elsewhere in Europe. The 11th-century Polish ruler Władysław Herman welcomed Jews fleeing persecution in Spain, and guaranteed their safety. His successors upheld that guarantee. The Polish spirit of tolerance reached its apogee in the 16th and 17th centuries under the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, a period that moved the great Krakow rabbi Moses Isserles to write to a student: “Better a dry crust with peace–as it is here, where there is no fierce hatred–than in German lands. May it remain this way until the Messiah comes.”
The absence of “fierce” hatred, of course, doesn’t imply the complete absence of hatred. As Muszyński noted in his address, even in times of tolerance, “the life of Jews in Poland was not free from tensions, prejudices, mutual distrust, and various manifestations of hostile acts.” The archbishop was referring to the traditional, ethnic or religiously inspired, anti-Semitism that for long centuries stalked Jewish communities across the Continent and periodically exploded into pogroms and riots. The Law and Justice party, and others who wish to cast Poles as entirely innocent in the Holocaust, maintain that that traditional Jew-hatred had nothing to do with the Nazis’ race-based, systematic, and genocidal project.
Unlike in, say, France, Nazi-occupied Poland had no collaborationist government, and Poles had no say in the Nazi decision to locate the death camps on their soil. The Polish government-in-exile tried to alert the World War II Allies to horrors of the Holocaust (to no avail for much of the time). It is also true that in Poland, and only in Poland, the Nazis punished with death not only those who rescued Jews but also the loved-ones of rescuers. Despite that threat, thousands of Poles risked their lives to save individual Jews. Today, Poles make up a quarter of the more than 26,000 “Righteous Among the Nations” honored at Yad Vashem–the highest count among all nations.
Thus, the phrase “Polish death camps” is, indeed, “inaccurate, misleading, and hurtful,” as the Trump State Department noted it in its statement decrying the Law and Justice law. Yet the traditional anti-Semitism of Poles did at times merge or fuse with the racial anti-Semitism of their German occupiers, most notably in the 1941 Jedwabne massacre, which saw Polish villagers round up 340 of their Jewish neighbors–men, women, and children–and burn them in a locked barn. Poles, moreover, murdered an estimated 1,000 to 2,000 Jews after liberation, including 42 Holocaust survivors in the village of Kielce. As one survivor recalled, upon returning home to Lodz, she overheard two Polish women say, “Look, look, how many dirty Jews are still alive. And they told us that Hitler had managed to exterminate all of them.”
Incidents such as these are a reminder that, to its victims, the ideological origins of anti-Semitism–whether “traditional” or race-based and modern–aren’t all that important. What matters is the result. As that great son of Poland, Karol Wojtyła, remarked on the 50th anniversary of the outbreak of World War II, all forms of anti-Semitism “contradict the Christian vision of human dignity.”
Barring debate about these matters won’t help Poland step beyond the shadow of the Holocaust.
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Poland Slams the Door on Holocaust Dialogue
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Trump’s Obligation to Syria’s Gas Attack Victims
Preserving moral clarity.
Noah Rothman 2018-02-06
In the space of a single month, the Syrian regime has reportedly deployed chlorine gas in civilian neighborhoods on six separate occasions. The Trump administration admirably declined to look away. The State Department demanded that the world “speak with one voice” in condemning these attacks, and was particularly hard on Syria’s benefactors in Moscow. “Russia ultimately bears responsibility for the victims in East Ghouta and countless other Syrians targeted with chemical weapons since Russia became involved in Syria,” said Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. Let’s suppose, though, that the world does not speak with one voice on Syria. What then? The Trump administration cannot now fall back on perfunctory statements of disapproval amid mass murder using chemical weapons. That is, unless this White House is prepared to abandon the laudable precedent it has set in defense of the defenseless.
Donald Trump did not waste time censuring Damascus in April of 2017, following reports that 80 civilians were subsequently killed and another 400 injured in a chemical attack on the rebel-held town of Khan Sheikhoun. The president acted.
“Tonight, I ordered a targeted military stroke on the air base in Syria from where the chemical attack was launched,” Trump said. “Years of previous attempts at changing Assad’s behavior have all failed.” Trump proceeded to connect the global instability that has resulted from the metastatic Syrian civil war to the crimes against humanity executed by Assad and defended by the regime’s allies. “It is in this vital national security interest of the United States to prevent and deter the spread and use of deadly chemical weapons,” Trump concluded. He was correct; it would be a tragic shame if this administration proved they never meant a word of it.
The 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles that targeted aircraft, shelters, radar and air defense, ammunition bunkers, and fuel stores at the Al Shayrat airfield were dismissed as inconsequential by the Trump administration’s critics. They alleged that the strike was too small to have any lasting effect on Assad regime behavior, particularly since the administration informed Russia ahead of the strikes, which allowed for the evacuation of Syrian military personnel from the strike zone. But the targeted missile strikes did have the effect of deterring the Assad regime from using chemical weapons against civilians, and not just the Sarin that was used on Khan Sheikhoun; chlorine, too.
Amid reports that Syria was preparing another chemical attack on civilian populations, the White House confronted the threat early. “[If] Mr. Assad conducts another mass-murder attack using chemical weapons,” former White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer warned in June, “he and his military will pay a heavy price.” These threats worked. At least, for a time.
That time has passed. Today, surface-to-surface missiles containing chlorine gas are raining down on populous towns like Saraqeb in Idlib Province and the Damascus suburb of Eastern Ghouta. The United Nations is still investigating these attacks, but it has blamed Damascus for similar chlorine strikes on civilians in the recent past. Despite disappearing from the headlines in the West, the situation in Syria is growing worse by the day. The fighting is flaring up again, and civilians are suffering. “Humanitarian diplomacy seems to be totally impotent, we’re getting nowhere,” United Nations humanitarian adviser Jan Egeland said last week. He added that Assad’s forces had prevented UN humanitarian relief missions from accessing certain besieged areas, and aid convoys have not reached some parts of Syria in two months.
The Trump administration now faces a moment of truth. It could preserve the moral authority it purchased after declining to merely scold the Syrian regime for deploying weapons of mass destruction against civilians, or it could retreat into a defensive crouch and act like the Syrian regime’s de facto defense counsel. That, to their everlasting shame, was the Obama administration’s approach to the use of chlorine munitions in Syria.
At a May 2015 press conference in which he defended his administration’s efforts to secure a deal to stall Iran’s nuclear weapons development, Barack Obama was asked about reports of over 30 chlorine bombings in Syria in the space of just two months. His response was devoid of moral clarity. “We have seen reports about the use of chlorine in bombs that have the effect of chemical weapons,” Obama told reporters. “Chlorine itself is not listed as a chemical weapon, but when it is used in this fashion, can be considered a prohibited use of that particular chemical.” He went on to say that addressing the potential use of chemical weapons was a job for the international community and Russia, and added that the deal he made with Moscow that supposedly neutralized Assad’s chemical weapons stockpile was a wild success. “Those have been eliminated,” Obama insisted.
Chlorine is a dual-use chemical that has industrial applications and, as such, is not subject to the same global prohibition that nerve agents like Sarin and VX are. But the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons lists chlorine as a choking agent with potentially lethal battlefield applications. This revelation should surprise no one who has a cursory familiarity with the events of World War I.
The last administration’s efforts to downplay the severity of chlorine attacks in Syria were grotesque. Obama’s appeal to Russia as a source of relief for the people of Syria—a nation that now actively blocks the international community’s efforts to extend the mandate of chemical weapons inspectors in Syria—was craven.
The last administration wanted to avoid the demands that history made on it, and it was a disgrace. Will the Trump administration abandon the course correction it embarked upon last April? Will it retreat to the same obtuse legalisms to which Obama appealed, even as the worst humanitarian and military crisis of this century intensifies? Will this president shirk his duty to humanity and to history, too?
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The Stock Market Crash That Wasn’t
What goes up must come down.
JOHN STEELE GORDON 2018-02-06
No, it’s not a crash. It’s not even a correction, at least not yet.
The stock market fell 1,175.21 points on the Dow yesterday to 24,345.75. That is down 2,371 points from its January 26 record close. Still, to be officially in a correction, the market would have to be down 10 percent from its high, or 2661 points.
To be sure, yesterday afternoon the market briefly swooned big time. At 3:00 PM it was at 24,742. Ten minutes later it was at 23,923, down an awesome 819 points in ten minutes flat. Six minutes later, it was back up to 24,727. It then declined at a more leisurely pace for the rest of the session. Numbers like that give even hardened traders palpitations.
While it’s too early to tell, this appears to be more an artifact of the extraordinary run-up in January, when the market roared through two 1,000-point marks in a single month. Markets that go up that fast usually come back down just as fast. So while it’s down 8.5 percent from its record close, it’s down only 1.9 percent on the year. It is still way, way above where it was a year ago. The media has been making much of the fact that yesterday’s drop was “the biggest one-day drop in the history of the Dow.” That’s true, but so what? It’s the percentage drop, not the point drop; that matters. In 1987 the Dow dropped 600 points in one day, a percentage decline of over 22 percent. Yesterday’s drop was 4.6 percent, which is not even in the same league.
The underlying economy has seen increased growth over the last three quarters, 200,000 new jobs last month, unemployment at 4.1 percent, and indications that wages might be rising at a faster pace after years of languishing. The new tax law should result in increased consumer spending and corporate investment, the two big engines of economic growth. Many economists see the possibility of 4 percent growth this quarter, a pace unseen for more than a decade.
And while interest rates have been rising, they have only been returning to more normal levels after the Fed kept them unnaturally low for years. That is actually a sign of a recovering economy. Higher interest rates will, however, increase the attraction of investments other than stocks, such as bonds. The extraordinary surge in the stock market from its March 2009, low of a little over 7,000 on the Dow–a run-up of almost 400 percent in nine years–is to some extent a product of those artificially low-interest rates that made the stock market the only game in town for investors.
So while the economy shows every sign of increasing health, I wouldn’t be surprised if we have seen the high on the Dow for the year. But that’s a long way from a crash. Overseas markets are down sharply, reacting to Wall Street, and Wall Street is likely to react to that reaction, at least at the opening. As Bette Davis famously said in All About Eve, “Fasten your seatbelts, it’s going to be a bumpy night.”
That, of course, is precisely why President Trump should not have been touting the stock market rise as one of his administration’s accomplishments. The stock market, unlike the underlying economy, is subject to the whims of human passion in the short term.
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The Somethingburger!
Debating the memo that ate Washington.
John Podhoretz 2018-02-05We agree, on the COMMENTARY podcast, that the memo alleging inappropriate handling of a warrant into a Trump campaign official, is not a nothingburger. Rather, we think it is a somethingburger. It speaks of important matters and needs to be considered seriously. But we also debate the extent to which the heated support for the idea that the memo invalidates any investigation into the president is disingenuous and politicized. Give a listen.
The Memo That Ate Washington
It's a war over legitimacy
John Podhoretz 2018-02-02
So the memo that has transfixed close political observers for weeks is finally out and it reveals, perhaps, questionable behavior by some government officials. I say “perhaps” because while we know what the memo says, we do not know what it doesn’t say. We know it says a secret warrant was sought by the government at the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court in October 2016 against a one-time Trump campaign associate using information compiled by a source hostile to Trump who was in the pay of the Clinton campaign (or, more precisely, a campaign cut-out). We are told that the FISA court was not informed of the ideological and political provenance of the information it was being supplied by the government. We are also told that after it was secured, the warrant was renewed several times, including by Justice Department officials now working under the Trump administration. And we are told that a senior FBI official who has now been cashiered said the “dossier” featuring the hostile information was the primary source for the warrant.
We might indeed be seeing a case in which the process for securing a FISA warrant was somehow corrupted. And that is bad, and worth exploring, and if the process was indeed corrupted, heads should roll. But come on. In the end, whether the civil rights of Carter Page were violated is not a question you would expect the front page or even the back page or practically any page between to be concerned with. Those who are screaming about these abuses don’t care about the abuses; they care that the abuses signal to them a desperate effort to get Donald Trump. And those who are pooh-poohing the notion that Carter Page’s civil rights are of concern would be perfectly happy to scream abuse if he were on their team.
We don’t know what the memo doesn’t say—the “omissions of fact” about which the FBI complained before its release. We don’t know what else the FISA court might have seen to suggest Page needed to be watched. We don’t know what else the Justice Department officials who seem from the text of the memo to corroborate its conclusions might have said that would go against that. And we may never know.
Like every fight in American politics today, this whole business is about legitimacy. Anti-Trump forces have been working to find him illegitimate since he won the election. Pro-Trump forces have responded to this by delegitimating anyone and everyone who opposes him. Thus, the ludicrous idea that the Russians got Trump elected; and the equally ludicrous idea that Trump is under unprecedented assault by a “deep state” at the Department of Justice.
No “deep state” caused Trump campaign officials to take a meeting with a Putin agent at Trump Tower and then to lie about it to the press a year later after an independent counsel had been appointed to look into Russian ties to the election. Nobody told Trump to fire James Comey of the FBI after Trump himself asked Comey to go easy on Michael Flynn, a man who has since pled guilty. No deep state caused Trump to claim falsely he had tapes proving Comey lied, a claim that led directly to the almost automatic appointment of an independent counsel. These were all Trump’s errors. He committed them as the legitimate president of the United States.
Similarly, the idea that the release of the memo was a horrendous threat to national security is belied by the text of the memo itself. War, Clausewitz said, is a continuation of politics by other means. The case for war is made by rallying each side with rah-rah slogans that dehumanize your combatants. Here we are. This is war, 21st Century Washington style.
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